Freedom of press is a fact that has been in the constitutions of Mexico from the time of the Reformation. So it is not difficult to argue that a free press existed also during the Independence. Indeed, from the Revolutionary era, the press freedom enshrined in the constitution also, something that the Mexican government is very proud.
But, although press freedom has existed in law, this is not enforced. Throughout Mexico's history, government and other authorities have found ways to silence or influencing the press, to obey the law, they say, but not satisfied with it.
Now, press freedom is more than a legal or just the ability to write the truth, it is the right to write the truth without pressure threats or fear for life. True freedom of the press requires objectivity, neutrality and presenting the truth, regardless of whether the government likes it or not.
And what's truth and objectivity in this case? By the way, does not mean that journalists can not have their own opinions about an event or fact: it means that in writing, journalists should present news based on facts, reflecting the viewpoint of different sources, the veracity of a newspaper article implies that writer not leave out an important fact or opinion, which could change the tone in a debate or introduce new criteria, that is, the truth is not lying by omission and accredit all information is presented.
For your money, pressure or threats of any kind, government or other authorities may result in the practice of journalism, a lack of objectivity and veracity.
There have been many moments in the history of Mexico where the press has never acted objectively or accurately. For various reasons journalists have been corrupted or influenced in different ways, usually by the government. Although the situation has improved recently, there are still problems with the objectivity and accuracy in the performance of the press there are still ways to influence journalists.
In this essay we will investigate, in the history of the press in Mexico, since Independence, the behavior of objectivity and accuracy in writing, and how the detriment of readers, journalists have been influenced or corrupted. Through conversations with some journalists today, we also intend to contrast the story with the current situation. Finally, there is a case study investigating the problems of objectivity and veracity in headlines in the local press. HISTORY
The press had been many years before independence, however, had not played a role as important as at that time, when journalists and newspapers, as all of Mexico, took up positions for or against independence Spain. The press became a instrument of war (Celis de la Cruz, 21), newspapers were being used for propaganda and disinformation, each working for his own party and discrediting the opposition. Royalist insurgents and the press used for private purposes and not as a neutral observer of reality, therefore, the objectivity and veracity were absent in many cases.
use the press to disclose the interests of a party or political positions continued during the time of the Reformation, then press the importance of increased and thus also increased the use that the government was (or who wanted power) for indoctrination and propaganda. The press did not represent the Mexican people or general interest, but small groups of people, usually with special interests and political aspirations of power related (Guzmán and Jiménez Ortega Zapata, 68). Almost all owners of the media were part of a minority of the country: rich, pure white men (69).
Another thing that reduced the professionalism of the press at this time, it represented the fact that a journalist was not considered a profession, "the middle of the nineteenth century the newspaper company had acquired a certain importance, but the craft of journalism was not considered a profession "(70) was more like a hobby. The journalists could not survive on their salaries and had to seek other employment. This problem persists today and continues shrinking the professionalism and ethics of journalists.
Because of the lack of professionalism of the office, it was relatively easy to influence journalists. At this time also see the appearance of an official press, government, authorized to be official spokesperson of the activities of rulers (73). By having an official press, the government achieved a greater legitimacy. Although only the rich and powerful could read and write, at the time the letters were more credibility to the dissemination of ideas by word of mouth.
porfiriana During the press had real problems with the government, "of persecution and suppression" of "grant and subordination" (Carreño, 2), in the Revolution were written on the side of the insurgents. Flourished periodicals devoted to social problems, and during Independence, every political party and each group had its own newspaper and journalists their own approaches. The period was so chaotic that it is hard to talk about government repression. There were more than a newspaper without limits, of which they could write about anything they wanted, to whom "the dubious credit for creating the climate of lynching that framed the overthrow and the murder of Francisco Madero, the first democratic president "(Carreño, 2).
The situation changed when Venustiano Carranza became president. Under his regime, although the freedom of the press was in the constitution, it was normal that journalists were blamed for not writing 'the truth'. In addition, Carranza appointed a Director General of the Mexican press to control, one of the most obvious scenes of government influence over the press.
When the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) was established as the only party in the country, government, or PRI, won their ways to control the press, to influence it and, in general, ensure that the press was firmly on the government side. The methods used were not always or usually very obvious or violent methods were legal, but disingenuous. These mechanisms included the control of the source of the newspaper, buying space in newspapers, the establishment of advertising their commitment to press freedom, subsidies, debt relief with social insurance and pecuniary emoluments for reporters (Carreño 4). PRI presidents were very careful to always greet the independence, accuracy and objectivity that had the Mexican press.
One of the first tools provided by the government, which would influence the press during the next half century was the Producer and Importer of Paper, Inc. (PIPS), created under the six years of Lázaro Cárdenas (Castañeda, 39). PIPSA served two functions: to sell newsprint prices and cheap credit (which required the newspapers who never had enough income to your expenses), and control the supply of paper for newspapers that offended the government, had to publish without government cheap paper (41). The government refused to use this tool of pressure, as in the case of biweekly Policy, who in November 1960, had to issue an apology to its readers, clarifying the issues of timeliness of the publication. Policy was a very left-wing magazine and was demonstrating against the government. Therefore, "... PIPSA, government institution designed to provide paper to the press systematically refuses to sell a policy, creating serious difficulties have prevented us from appearing in a timely fashion" (Policy, November 15, 1960, in Castañeda , 71). The magazine was published until December 1968, when it was announced the reasons for the end of the publication: "Bribery, coercion, threats, economic blockades, negative for paper with your payment, inquisitions police ..." and more (Policy , 15-31 December 1968, Castaneda, 115).
In fact, the presidents of Mexico were so dedicated to freedom of the press each year held a banquet to honor the free press in Mexico. The appreciation they had for the freedom of the press was evident in one of the first banquet, President Miguel German spoke about his support for free press while the weekly attendance was being forced to close for writing about corruption in the six years of the President (Castañeda, 22). Adolfo Ruiz Cortines
also reiterated his "absolute respect for press freedom" and expressed his "hope that journalists will know to serve effectively and loyalty to the fatherland." In 1954, the Sixth Annual Convention National Union of Press Editors voted favorably to "collectively enter the Institutional Revolutionary Party" (41-42).
One of the highlights of the partiality with which the press acted for the government, was the movement of 1968, the most popular student event in the country. Although the movement had the sympathy and support of a large part of the Mexican population, the media hid the massive repression caused by the government and the slaughter in Tlatelolco. In the press harshly criticized the movement as the government's actions were applauded. Following the official line, the press condemned the students accusing of 'foreign' and 'communists', while occurring violence, killings and kidnappings that passed without being recorded in the newspapers. "Generally speaking, newspapers and magazines had limited information, manipulated, rated" and took positions in general agreement with the government (119). Here was born the slogan 'Press bestseller, popular prosecution alluded to the loss of objectivity and truth in the press that he had fallen, sold to the government's role conflict and committed advertising revenue with the party and government.
Another outstanding event in the history of the press was the strike against the newspaper Excelsior other means was not afraid to speak ill of the government. On 8 July, a month after the annual banquet to celebrate press freedom, the government of Luis Echeverría took control of the newspaper. "There was the coup sponsored by the Echeverria administration against the direction of Julio Scherer in Excelsior. Accompanied by about 200 of their peers, the director had to leave the premises of Reform 18 "(171). The government replaced the previous director and its reporters with people you trust, who were more docile. But journalists who left the Excelsior, forming process, a magazine that Excelsior was replacing the work of criticizing the government. In fact, it would process its own problems with the government as a result of their articles open. Under the presidential term of José López Portillo, the government refused to buy space for government propaganda in process and another magazine: Critical Policy. The reason for the refusal were the articles published on corruption in Petroleos Mexicanos (Pemex) committed by presidential candidate Miguel de la Madrid (218-219). The refusal affected the advertising media because the government is an important funding source for newspapers, without which they never have enough money to publish.
Stressing the important role that government money was to influence the press, in 1983 Humberto Romero, director of public relations of the Federal District before press officer of the President Ruiz Cortines, said that "a press officer is not worth anything if you have no money to go around" (229). In other words, a press officer for a government, if they're broke, can not influence the content of the media because you can not afford newspapers and, thus, his work would fail. But the corruption goes in two directions, one composed of journalists who take the money and the other is the government that day. Process
An article in the May 23, 1983 explained the various methods used to disguise bribes to journalists: "Behind the work of information dissemination channels meet at the government press office under headings such as 'special items', 'confidential items', 'attention to journalists', 'unforeseen' or 'advertising', corrupt and mediate to reporters and journalistic institutions "(229). Even the winners of journalism awards at banquets for the freedom of the press, began to talk about problems with the objectivity and accuracy in the press. One of the winners, Magdalena Mondragon, who won the award for his fifty years in journalism, said when he accepted his recognition that "from Cárdenas no freedom of expression: the government controls and manipulates the role of advertising ... freedom of the press to me, he died "(233-234).
At the beginning of the 1988 election, journalists earning between 100 thousand and 400 thousand dollars to cover the campaigns, depending on the importance of the reporter, his means and position in the hierarchy of the newspaper. The PRI spent about 360 million pesos a month on advertising in the newspapers during these elections (291-292). It was customary to pay the journalists for their articles and their low wages, now it was they who demanded government sausages. Among
sexenios Luis Echeverria and Carlos Salinas de Gortari had 97 journalists killed and 570 grievances, more dead than in Colombia, which numbered 89 in the same period, and Guatemala with 53 (Martinez et al., 1). Of the 520 assaults, the perpetrators were identified. Of these, 31.7% belonged to the security forces, police officers, judicial, patrol cct., 19.6% of the attackers were not identified, 17.1% prodcedían government institutions, municipal authorities, press officers and so on., And 6.7% were people from political parties (2).
By the nineties, some things began to change at the national level. In 1990 the government released the importation of paper and privatized some of PIPSA, the monopoly paper, "until then ... what became a basic tool of the traditional model of subordination of the press "(Carreño, 7). In 1992 the government established some criteria for the allocation of government advertising, including the hidden rules of money and 1994 was deleted by the President of the Republic in the ritual of the day of freedom of the press (7).
Despite these official changes as late as 1995, the national press was still very sympathetic to the PRI, and very critical of other parties who were not PRI. Although there had been some liberalization, large newspapers still depended much of government subsidies (Rodriguez and Ward, 74). As Reed said Luis Torres in his book on the centenary of the press in Mexico, "Generally, the sale of newspapers do not cover production costs, hence the resources to sustain an information source from the sale of space ... "(365). And, more reliable buyer with more money, is the government. This creates a paternalistic, and perpetuates an environment of patronage and debt, where journalists feel an obligation to self-censorship for fear of losing income or friendship for the money they received. This profoundly affects the objectivity of self-censorship at least, and the worst accuracy of the press. Not interview a person who is not going to corroborate the government's line, do not write anything that can offend, so neutrality is lost. Without contrast there is no objective sources, if not corroborate the official version can not compare if accounts are correct, if they are true or not. TODAY
This has changed some things in the middle of last century. Several practices used by the government to control the press are over, at least at the national level. As we shall soon see, many things remained at the local level where, instead of pressure and control of government, new ways of mediating the expression of journalism.
A datum of Mexican Network of Protection of Journalists and the Media "refers to an important part of the murders of journalists in recent years have occurred by investigations carried out over drugs, and that in the past control was exercised by government is replaced with organized crime (Martinez, Veronica Trinidad et al., 1).
In the administration of Ernesto Zedillo had 865 acts against the work of journalists, higher than the figure of six years of Salinas 520 (4). In 2001 there were 126 acts against journalists, the majority occurred in the Federal District, and the next highest percentage in the southern states (Chiapas, Guerrero, Tabasco, Quintana Roo, Oaxaca, Campeche, Yucatán) (Martinez, Veronica Trinidad et al: 2001, 1).
President Fox has also expressed its displeasure with some of the comments directed at him and published in newspapers, has promoted a law that would force journalists to reveal their sources. So, although things have changed, not changed enough.
to have a good idea of \u200b\u200bthe conditions of the Mexican press today, talked with two journalists known for their work; Rosy Branches and Razhy Gonzalez. What we reported is interesting and reveals some things that still need to change to have a more objective news and veracity. Rosy
Branches was a journalist for fourteen years and has recently changed his job from running right, but still occasionally writing political columns. For her, most of the problems with the press spent the last ten years and says it is easier to see the lack of impartiality and objectivity in the provincial media in the national media. He says the government is buying space and continued selling newspapers for advertising, according to its version this is a problem, "maintaining a business is fairly expensive, but by selling advertising, media sometimes are committed." He also said that "some media are owned political groups, then manage the information with political interests and thus objectivity is lost. " Branches Rosy believes the situation is changing "to the extent that the media are more independent and financially strong to be able to sustain." Another important thing mentioned by the respondent is that because of low wages, journalists have to work for more than a newspaper, despite having graduated from college. Rosy Ramales said that in the past, corruption was mainly caused by the habit of receiving money from government or other sources, which was called 'Chayo', but states that, in general, does not follow giving journalists as much money as before. And according to the journalist, what the media needed for the future? "Maybe we need a code of ethics."
Razhy Gonzalez has been a journalist for fourteen years or less, and still is a journalist so far. Razhy Gonzalez asking what are the problems of the press in Mexico, we received many responses. Razhy has strong views on the continuity of government influence on journalism. Among the problems identified by Razhy include "a clear separation between the academic and real journalism, the perverse relationship between governments and media, the emergence of powerful parallel institutions, as drug trafficking, bringing in more than one occasion has violated journalistic exercise, also emphasizes the everyday problems arising from violations of human rights of journalists by law enforcement authorities or groups. " Razhy also believes this: "I think they are the same problems I've seen since the beginning." On the reforms needed in the future, he believes there are two major changes that have to happen. First, there must be a law regulating the mechanisms for the allocation of government advertising in the media. "Since the definition of what media and what areas will be advertised the government is at the discretion of officials Time (and note that government advertising is the main source of income in any medium), lends itself to a perverse relationship, tacit complicity that cut short the possibility of a free press. Because if half publishes something that affects the political shift, it can decide to stop buying space, which severely affects the existence of this medium. " He also believes, as Rosy Branches, the press, or journalists need more professionalism. He says it is necessary to regulate the profession to "prevent untrained people can have access to an important forum ... Why you need a license to be a doctor, architect, engineer, lawyer, or nurse, but not to be a journalist? "
Speaking of a code of ethics or licensing to be a journalist, does not mean they are to function as a restriction on freedom of speech or expression but as a code of ethics that gives press "a large measure of autonomy, conscience in everyday practice" (Alcantara, 3).
would be wrong to think that the journalist ethics fosters passive attitudes, fearful or autocensurantes on journalists. Rather, it should stimulate the transformation
to a well-documented and comprehensive journalism, should promote an attitude of integrity and value in the journalists ... (Alcantara, 4)
Alcantara also said that ethics is important because when you write with truth and fact, with professional ethics, the journalist is to improve the cause of freedom of expression and information, that news reporting 'enough' and 'true' transition assistance democratic, and that the exercise of journalism ethics is one way to combat manipulation "(5). Both
Razhy Rosy Gonzalez and Branches do not see a big difference in the behavior of Fox news, compared to past presidents. Rosy says that "unfortunately we see that President Fox is bothering the press criticize him, the other time said means pure nonsense said ...". Both do not believe that the democratic transition has brought about many changes, at least, as Razhy says, "do not perceive."
In a stream of independent journalism or clandestine, Rosy says that young people generally are idealistic and do not have many resources to survive and publish for a long time. Razhy says less marginal means there is now less than before, but says that maybe they are moving to electronic media like the Internet because they are cheap and open. This would be of another major study done.
OAXACA: A CASE STUDY
In this part of the study we will see case I've done in Oaxaca. This section contains three parts: a brief history of the press in Oaxaca, a grading of politicians at the bottom of the Oaxaca newspaper and a study of the first plans the three largest newspapers Oaxaca, News, Fair, and Time. I will analyze the headlines to show three things: the reproduction of news and uniformity in the content of newspapers, the bias of the sources of the articles of the headlines and the political orientation of the articles that are not reproduced, meds which are displayed a newspaper and not in others.
The history of the press in Oaxaca is very similar to the rest of the country that newspapers were closely linked with the government or regional authorities. The press in Oaxaca since 1968, also earned the name 'press sold' (Martínez Vásquez, 110). Over the years the press was an extension of what draws vallistocracia Vásquez Martínez, a corporate unit to service. After 1977 they began to form associations to protect journalists from threats like Oaxacan Journalists Association (APO) which allowed an opening in the news (111). Despite this, "... major newspapers are state own all or part of politicians "and" great distribution apparatus and the sensationalism of the news operation, give a significant political force in many occasions has been instrumental in deposing senior government officials or political solutions to guide in a certain way "(108). The close link between newspapers and allows them to receive government subsidies. "This, to some extent, has forced them to compromise their journalistic line with the local political class and more particularly to the government of the day" (109).
NEWSPAPERS AND POLITICAL
And who was or is back to control the media in the city of Oaxaca? Son Jesus Torres Marquez Oaxacan Panorama owner who was local deputy mayor, the director of El Sol de Oaxaca, Ricardo Hernández Casanova, who was local MP, former director of The Extra, Héctor Ramírez Puga, who was private secretary to former governor Manuel Zárate Aquino . But the bigger ones are Ericel Nucamendi Gomez, owner of News, allied with former Gov. Jesus Martinez Alvarez and Mayor Gabino Cue the Democratic Convergence, a party that was strengthened to split the PRI and that is against the current governor Oaxaca, José Murat Casab.
During the campaign to elect the mayor of Oaxaca, the governor Murat not support the candidate who wanted Martínez Álvarez (Gabino Cue), then became angry and started a fight between them that continues to this day, the reflection of this conflict is reflected in the content of the newspaper Noticias newspaper and other important new for Oaxaca: Time. The owner of Time is Juan Diaz Pimental, President of the Chamber of Deputies of the State of Oaxaca, who aspires to be governor after Murat and who gives all his support over time. As Murat does not sympathize with Gabino Cue, the mayor, the newspaper is not published any time important information that promotes policies Gabino Cue. Finally, the other Oaxaca's largest newspaper is The Fair. Its owners are the family Fernandez Pichardo, who were deputies from the PRI and of which the former governor Pedro Vasquez Colmenares is a shareholder (Vásquez Martínez). This newspaper is old-school PRI, it supports any politician in the government. Currently does not publish anything against the Mayor or against the Governor.
Needless to say, none of these politicians are not officially listed as owners, but they are the owners of the 'owners', so to speak. Front pages
In this part I will discuss the first plans of the three largest newspapers Oaxaca, News, the Fair, and Time. I want to show is that newspapers fail to provide its readers with information generated by various sources, and demonstrate how to play some texts and exclude others, which is a kind of misses the truth and objectivism, are lies of omission. The results of this analysis were obtained by reviewing the front page of November 13, 2002 and November 16, 2002.
When we see the titles on the front pages of newspapers, we see a list of articles that apparently there is no problem, it appears that a variety of news are different in each medium. For example, in the editions of November 13 is nothing more than three items in the sixteenth reproduced and there is nothing more than four. Below are two tables containing the themes of the articles that appear on these dates.
But when these items are placed on home pages, something different happens: the articles reproduced take much more space than these tables can be registered.
Then, the reproduced articles take a lot more room to the other, sometimes no more than titles, or photos with brief comments at the bottom and do not see any article in the newspaper giving details. The title may also be misleading to the reader. For example, both editions of 13 and 16, the newspaper Tiempo, some titles appear Gabino Cue, the mayor of Oaxaca. In the thirteenth title is "Accept Gabino that 'jumped' the regulations on board" and sixteen is "" Gabino ratify the pact say ': The local crowd and get two heads suspension of tyrants. " But I could not find any articles in these issues explaining what happened to Gabino, the titles get us to believe that Gabi has done something wrong, or at least is responsible for an upset of some citizens. And why would people believe this Time? Well, as mentioned above, the owner Time is a supporter of Murat, and therefore lashes out Gabino Cue, an enemy group at the next race.
confuse people and pretend to make them believe something that perhaps is not the truth, is a bad local journalism. The titles never explain what they are saying, leave to the imagination the alleged errors of Gabino Cue, an obvious lack of objectivity. But time is not the only culprit, News plays the same games but in reverse. Article were reproduced also show a clear bias. On November 13 News was the only newspaper to talk about the problems of Santa Catarina Cuixtla, Miahautlán, article entitled "They threw the Inhabitant of Santa Catarina Cuixtla, Miahuatlán. " And what interest News published something that others do not? Because a problem in communities is a problem for the Governor Murat, who is the political enemy of the owners and Friends News. Another part of the first space is filled with other plans, photos or titles, which, although not disoriented, have no associated article and appear to be used only to fill space and give the impression of variety, as in this thirteenth day of Fair November, showing the title and picture "in Mexico are respected human rights" and nothing else. The articles reproduced also
within their own shows as a lack of variety in their sources, this produces failures in the neutrality and lack of truthfulness in the default texts of groups or individuals interested in the issues that the texts refer.
If you see all the texts reproduced in the first plans, there is a clear similarity between all, all are almost the same. For example, News and Impartial in his texts on the new faculty of sciences of the Autonomous University Benito Juarez of Oaxaca had the same sources, and articles are almost word for word. In addition, no newspaper bothered to interview any other person but they are part of the creation of project management by name university. No comments of students, faculty or employees of the University, nothing more than official report of the rector and his partners in the project.
Time did not bother to put the item on the front page, only a photo and caption. Trying because it was not a reprehensible fact that could be attributed to Gabino Cue. Many articles do not have anything more than one source also, as the text on the State Report of the Governor in time where the only source was the governor, by contrast had an interview 'exclusive' with the president. Another problem is that some items are not produced in their news, in all national newspapers there are news summaries pertaining to Oaxaca comes from the national level, but the local papers trying to find out if the national newspaper article is correct, or if there is the problem you mention. This happens with human rights articles in Time, Fair, and News. Impartial news and reports quote anything else, one of Amnesty International and one of President Fox, but never say if they are correct in their pronouncements on Oaxaca.
This lack of range and distortion of truth disoriented titles, use the public forum to humiliate an opponent and give people bad impressions, bias and lack of sources, and reproduction of sources including newspapers provided to a press that has no objectivity or truth in his writings. The owners of newspapers are political parties, journalists are reporting that a clear conflict of interest.
How can you write something bad about your boss if he has the power to censor your article and say good-bye note too? It is not possible to ignore this when you're writing. Depriving people of a media environment that gives you a variety of sources, a variety of articles and titles that are not confused is an attack on freedom of expression. Without variety, there is no objectivity, and without variety is always lacking something and publish lies by omission, this is not the truth. BIBLIOGRAPHY
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December 16 2002
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